HAVING served on three operational tours of Northern Ireland, I fully appreciate how contentious and intractable politics can be over there.
I am not surprised that, yet again, politicians on both sides of the sectarian divide have hit an impasse.
This time the power-sharing executive at Stormont – currently divided between Sinn Fein and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) – has collapsed, following the resignation of Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness.
He resigned in order to pressurize his DUP equivalent, Arlene Foster, to resign over a botched green energy initiative.
Under the rules, neither can remain in office without the other.
But, betraying a darker motive, Sinn Fein has refused to put up an alternative candidate, which has forced NI Secretary James Brokenshire to call a snap election in the province on 2 March.
It’s an election no one wants, coming only eight months after the last.
And, if the DUP and Sinn Fein remain the two largest parties, there’s no guarantee they can resolve their differences, which are profound.
They disagree over budgets, borders, language and same sex marriage.
Sinn Fein wants to remain in Europe, while the DUP are committed leavers.
Sinn Fein hopes the Assembly’s collapse will add impetus to their calls for a “joint authority” over Ulster, shared by Westminster and Dublin, a plan completely unacceptable to the DUP.
At the same time, Sinn Fein’s pursuit through the courts of British soldiers accused of historic killings during the Troubles appears vindictive and politically motivated.
If the deadlock is not broken, the UK Government will be forced to re-impose direct rule from Westminster.
This is a last resort as direct rule is like a red flag to Republicans.
It’s an extraordinary mess and, as always, tinged with historic hatred and mistrust.